The journalist's appeal to Putin raised questions about systemic corruption in the republics of the North Caucasus Federal District.
The video address to Putin regarding corruption in Dagestan and Ingushetia remains unanswered, but a flood of complaints about what is happening in these republics has poured in to its author, Omsk journalist Konstantin Skachkov. Corruption in the republics of the North Caucasus Federal District is tied to the clan system, "support in Moscow," and the involvement of security forces. Analysts believe that a federal anti-corruption campaign could change the situation, especially if the "cleansing" starts with the security forces.
As reported by "Caucasian Knot", the editor-in-chief of the Omsk publication "Glager.ru" Konstantin Skachkov recorded a video address to Vladimir Putin, in which he stated that the appeals he collected from entrepreneurs, residents, and employees of law enforcement agencies indicate systemic corruption and raider seizures in Dagestan and Ingushetia. He urged the president to instruct his subordinates to verify this information, noting that the problem can only be solved at the federal level.
The story of the "B-Group" case led to a flood of complaints about corruption in Dagestan and Ingushetia
Omsk journalist Konstantin Skachkov, commenting on his recent appeal to Russian President Vladimir Putin, said that he began to closely engage with the issue of corruption in the North Caucasus since January 2026.
"At the very beginning of January, representatives of the company 'B-Group' approached me with a proposal to talk about the case of its founder and owner Khadji-Murat Belkhoroev, from whom they are trying to take the company, and against whom a criminal case has been initiated. When I spoke with him and read the materials provided by the lawyers, my hair literally stood on end. I don't remember such lawlessness even in the 90s. 'B-Group' was engaged in leasing cars and giving them in subleasing to people who needed a car for work but could not afford to buy one. As wholesale buyers, they received discounts from car manufacturers, and thanks to this, they could offer serious discounts to clients – they did not pay interest on leasing. Among their suppliers was the company 'Control Leasing' of Mikhail Zharnitsky. They were supposed to deliver cars but did not. Then they began to loudly complain that they did not receive money for the disrupted delivery. 'B-Group' reasonably replied: why should we pay if you do not deliver? Then 'B-Group' had "third-party organizations" seize 130 cars at once. The cars did not reach 'Control Leasing', and moreover, the company demanded to pay leasing payments for them," he said.
LLC "B-Group", which has been headed by Khadji-Murat Belkhoroev since 2016, is registered in Moscow, according to the contractor verification site "Chekko".
Belkhoroev, according to Skachkov, was arrested at the Mineralnye Vody airport and taken to one of the law enforcement agencies in Makhachkala, where he was held for 25 days, mostly in a punishment cell.
"They extorted money from him, blackmailed him. But they had to release him since they had nothing to charge him with. He, of course, without thinking, flew abroad. The case is still not closed, although there have already been appeals to the Investigative Committee, the General Prosecutor's Office, the FSB, [Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration Magomed Salam] Magomedov, and there are video recordings where people, based on whose statements this case was initiated, directly state that they made false accusations against him. Unfortunately, all the letters receive only formal replies," he emphasized.
I have received more than 100 appeals from Ingushetia and over 200 from Dagestan – mostly from Makhachkala
Skachkov wrote about this on the portal he heads, "Glager", after which a flood of complaints from Ingushetia (where Belkhoroev is from) and Dagestan (where he is being persecuted) literally poured in to him.
"Currently, I have received more than 100 appeals from Ingushetia and over 200 from Dagestan – mostly from Makhachkala. There are many complaints about three Makhachkala police departments – Kirovsky, Leninsky, and Sovietsky. I pass these complaints to the lawyers of 'B-Group' so that they can at least at the primary level separate some private disputes from real crimes. Among the most notable recent complaints are a complaint about pollution of the Terek River, a Makhachkala dental clinic that deceived clients out of 10 million rubles: people were left without money and without teeth, and the Soviet police department simply refused to initiate a criminal case. But to speak on these cases, materials need to be checked, systematized, and this is a huge job. Therefore, for now, I am only writing about the 'B-Group' case, since here the lawyers did all the work of summarizing for me," he noted.
The journalist explained why he considers addressing the president a priority.
"Nothing is resolved at the regional level. However, for example, all the cities that have attracted the attention of federal authorities have improved over the past 10-15 years," he stated.
Noting that there has been no reaction to his appeal so far, Skachkov said that he would prepare a written appeal to Vladimir Putin in the near future.
Analysts disagreed on the assessment of systemic corruption in Dagestan and Ingushetia
A Dagestani activist, speaking on condition of anonymity, noted that one can indeed speak of systemic corruption in the republic.
"Corruption has become an integral, habitual part of business and public-private relations, where kickback costs are already included in budgets and projects. This is expressed through inflated prices for works and services, delays in the construction of roads and social infrastructure, which subsequently leads to increased construction costs," he noted.
A Caucasus expert, also speaking on condition of anonymity, emphasized that systemic corruption has long been established in the republics of the North Caucasus Federal District.
"Rather, one can speak of individual honest officials against the backdrop of the system," he remarked.
The editor-in-chief of the site "Dagestan.net" Milrad Fatullaev on the contrary, believes that corruption in Dagestan has decreased in recent years.
"There is no longer such rampant corruption as there was in the 90s and shortly thereafter. The situation where you buy a post and then recoup that money by any means is no longer there. Now decisions are made through the team that manages the republic," he stated.
Speaking about the problems of raider seizures involving officials, the Dagestani activist noted that the problem of raider seizures is not relevant in the republic, but not due to a good legal culture.
"Such cases are isolated and not substantial in terms of resources. This happens because the republic has not yet formed a critical number of large or 'worthy of attention' raiders of medium businesses," he noted.
Fatullaev also noted that there are currently no raider seizures involving officials and security forces in Dagestan, linking this to the overall improvement of the situation.
"Everything has calmed down and settled down," he emphasized.
The Caucasus expert believes that the involvement of security forces in raider seizures is a fairly common practice in the Caucasus.
"In this case, it is difficult for the victim to turn anywhere," he emphasized.
The positions of clans in the republics of the North Caucasus have changed in recent years
Touching on the issue of the role of clan and informal relations in Dagestan, the Dagestani activist noted that in recent years the influence of clans and informal ties in Dagestan has been seriously reformatted.
An important factor in the influence of a clan is already its support from Moscow, the presence of representatives of the security bloc in the clan, and the control of large financial assets
"In this regard, the republic has become more like Moscow or St. Petersburg. It is no longer enough to just be a clan. An important factor in the influence of a clan is already its support from Moscow, the presence of representatives of the security bloc in the clan, and the control of large financial assets. Accordingly, it is easier for them to participate in the distribution of resources (tenders, purchases, obtaining real estate), fend off inspections, and influence personnel decisions," he stated.
Clan structures in the North Caucasus have a strict hierarchy, including a leader, his closest circle, as well as subordinate officials, law enforcement officers, and entrepreneurs, noted earlier researcher Konstantin Kazenin. He called the situation with clans particularly acute in Dagestan. "At the core of this system is not nationality or kinship, but loyalty to the clan leader," Kazenin explained to a correspondent of "Caucasian Knot". As a way to weaken such a system, he suggested supporting people who have achieved success independently, rather than through clan affiliation.
The Caucasus expert also noted that clans play a significant role in the life of national republics. "But this is not necessarily a relative. There can be people connected by common education, service, or interests. They fight among themselves for resources and posts, and the main resource for them remains the budget due to the subsidization of the republics," he noted.
Fatullaev emphasized that, in his opinion, the ruling team in Dagestan has subsumed the clans under itself.
"Now it is already placing its people everywhere. Questions regarding positions and personnel decisions go through it. The informal groups of influence that have survived are people connected with the Presidential Administration or with its inner circle," he noted.
Fatullaev also spoke about attempts to renew the bureaucratic corps. "A regional personnel competition was organized. However, so far it has turned into a personnel selection, as members of the leadership interviewed the candidates and selected those they liked," he stated.
Explaining why residents of the regions prefer to turn to federal authorities in cases of raiding rather than regional ones, experts agreed that it is a matter of distrust towards regional officials.
"Firstly, representatives of federal authorities are not involved in regional businesses and 'profitable' schemes. Secondly, there is a belief that Moscow can help. At the regional level, due to the fact that almost all representatives of the security bloc are involved in someone’s businesses or own them, it is difficult to achieve protection of one’s business interests," noted the Dagestani activist.
The Caucasus expert also believes that since nothing can be achieved at the regional level, people try to turn to federal authorities.
"There, at least theoretically, there are people not connected with this clan squabbling in the regions," he stated.
The federal campaign against corruption can influence the situation
Touching on the question of how much the federal anti-corruption campaign can change the situation in the regions, experts disagreed in their opinions.
The Dagestani activist believes that it is impossible to completely defeat corruption, but it is possible to achieve a level that is tolerable for society and the state.
"Therefore, the federal anti-corruption campaign is quite capable of changing the situation in the republic. Yes, there will be a redistribution of places for a new group of officials, but they will already be afraid to be brazen and will reduce their corruption rates and kickbacks from the current 20% of the amount of tenders to 10%, or even better to 5%. And they will (the officials) look more at achieving the goals of the state rather than their personal interests," he stated.
The federal center should start cleaning the republic not with representatives of the bureaucracy and business, but with regional security forces who turn a blind eye to corruption or actively participate in it
At the same time, he considered that the primary target of the campaign should not be officials. "The federal center should start cleaning the republic not with representatives of the bureaucracy and business, but with regional security forces who turn a blind eye to corruption or actively participate in it," he emphasized.
Fatullaev is confident that campaigns of this kind are always beneficial.
"This will bring order, although unfortunately, it is impossible to completely eradicate corruption. To achieve its reduction, quite simple things are needed – transparency, public control, independent media, and a fair court," he stated.
The Caucasus expert, on the contrary, viewed the possibility of a federal anti-corruption campaign quite skeptically.
"Yes, a new group of officials will come to replace those who are imprisoned. But they will do the same. All appointees from Moscow will soon understand that it is impossible to defeat corruption and will use the principle 'If you can't beat them, join them.' For a real campaign, political will is needed, and we can only dream about that," he noted.
Translated automatically via OpenAI from https://www.kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/427130




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