The conflicts between Z-bloggers reflected the struggle between Solovyov and Alaudinov for influence.

TV presenter Vladimir Solovyov and Akhmat special forces commander Apti Alaudinov are locked in a battle for influence over the public agenda, and conflicts among Z-bloggers, including over fundraising for the SVO, are a reflection of this struggle. Fundraising for the military runs into the billions, yet remains opaque and unaccountable.

As reported by the "Caucasian Knot," some Z-bloggers are either conspiratorial enemies of Russia or unknowingly serve its interests by criticizing Akhmat, unit commander Apti Alaudinov stated on November 14. He promised to destroy such Z-bloggers "legally through criminal prosecution" if they do not apologize. On the same day, the Gelendzhik City Court fined Oksana Kobeleva, the author of the Telegram channel "Security in a Vatnik," 30,000 rubles for publishing questions to the commander of the Akhmat special forces, Apti Alaudinov, although she later deleted the post and repented for this material. On November 13, Alaudinov announced the reconciliation of two other Z-bloggers, Ilya Remeslo and Vladimir Grubnik - the latter, friendly with Akhmat, complained to the Chechens about criticism from Remeslo. The conflict between Remeslo and Grubnik arose due to the attitude towards pro-Putin Ukrainian defectors in the Z-community.

Human rights activist Ruslan Kutayev* believes that the conflict between Z-bloggers Vladimir Grubnik and Ilya Remeslo is a manifestation of the conflict between TV presenter Vladimir Solovyov and the head of the Akhmat special forces, Apti Alaudinov.

According to him, calls to come and "settle the conflict," coming from people like Alaudinov, are always perceived as a threat.

"It's a threat, but not directed at Solovyov, but at the war correspondents who support him. It's unlikely that anyone would dare threaten Solovyov like that. He is a very influential figure and they won't talk to him in such a manner," he noted.  

The struggle is for influence, who will determine and lead the public agenda. And they are clashing over this influence.

Soloviev and Alaudinov are competing with each other in the non-public sphere, believes lawyer and blogger Mike Feigin*.

"Alaudinov enjoys support in the Ministry of Defense, otherwise they wouldn't keep him there, and the presidential administration, apparently, is placing some kind of bet on him. Well, Solovyov enjoys the support of the Lubyanka, certain departments. Behind each of them stand more influential figures, the heads of certain departments. And they run to them "And they're complaining about each other. The fight here isn't just about money; both sides have money. It's about influence—who will determine and drive the public agenda? And they're clashing over that influence," he told a "Caucasian Knot" correspondent.

In his opinion, Solovyov has the stronger position in this fight.

"It seems to me that this fight will be a draw, but one that will benefit Solovyov more. Well, he certainly won't apologize; they won't be able to force him to do so, like the others. And Alaudinov will simply continue doing what he's doing. "Perhaps he will be seen as a successor to Kadyrov, one who is loyal to the Kremlin and suits everyone," he noted.

The market for charitable collections for the needs of the SVO is opaque

Alaudinov, with his media clout, controls one of the largest donation flows.

The market for charitable collections for the needs of the SVO is huge and measured in billions of rubles, according to an economist who wished to remain anonymous.

Large Z-bloggers and Telegram channels raise from several million to tens of millions of rubles monthly. For example, the projects of Semyon Pegov, Rybar, Grubnik, and others raise sums comparable to the budgets of medium-sized commercial companies. Alaudinov, with his media clout, controls one of the largest donation flows. There are no exact estimates, but I estimate it could be between 5 and 15 billion rubles a year. This is becoming not just charity, but a full-fledged industry with huge financial flows and a struggle for influence," he told a "Caucasian Knot" correspondent.

According to him, public donations are not comparable to the official military budget, but significantly supplement it in certain niches.

"The state provides basic supplies, salaries, and weapons, but often lags behind in modern technology, drones, thermal imagers, and high-quality equipment. This is where donations come in to purchase quadcopters for 50,000-200,000 rubles, thermal imagers, radios, and special equipment. This applies especially to volunteers. battalions. And for elite units like Akhmat, which receive direct funding from the Chechen republican budget and federal sources, the training is a pleasant bonus, demonstrating popular support,” he pointed out.

There is virtually no government oversight - if the collection is not registered as an official charitable foundation, then these are essentially private transfers to an individual.

There is also no unified reporting system, and everything is based on personal trust in the blogger or commander.

Some publish detailed reports with receipts, photos of equipment transfers, and video confirmations from recipients. Others limit themselves to general phrases like "transferred to the front" without specifics. There is virtually no government oversight - if the collection is not registered as an official charitable foundation, then these are essentially private transfers to an individual. But even based on this information, it is impossible to conclude that all the funds go to the front. All these accusations among patriotic bloggers are just an attempt "to collect more money and be more influential in the media sphere," the economist explained.

Moscow economist and political scientist Sergey Zhavoronkov also believes such collections are opaque.

"The amounts are considerable. The authorities are not interested in transparency, which is why there are many cases of accusations. In addition to Grubnik, we can recall Alekhine*, Montyan, and others. And what's really strange is that people with no discernible income make expensive personal purchases; hundreds of what they call themselves, war correspondents and volunteers, roam the country. Well, let's say some of them are rich and can afford it. But what about the rest?" he told the "Caucasian Knot" correspondents.

According to him, despite the large donations to war correspondents, they cannot be compared with the state financing.

"Competing with the state is, of course, impossible, but it's not necessary," he noted.

Ilya Remeslo, a native of Nalchik, graduated from St. Petersburg State University with a law degree and was a member of the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation from 2017 to 2020, according to the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation website.

* listed as a foreign agent.

** Meta (owner of Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp) is banned in Russia.